They must either leave the English and return, or withdraw to some place a mile or two from them. “If you do not do so, and if, in consequence thereof, any of your men are wounded or killed, you must not blame the Chinese . As they have told us, so we write. As soon as you receive this, write quickly to say whether you will remain or retreat. The Chinese say that if the Koolas follow you, you are not to receive them. The attack will be made at night on the 3rd Labyee-gyaw Tobodwai, 1236 (23rd February, 1875). Above 3,000 and about 4,000 men are collecting and surrounding you. We think it will be wise for you to retreat.”

他們必須離開那些英國人並返回,或者撤到距他們一兩英里的某箇地方。「若你不照做,由此造成你的人有任何傷亡,你不得責怪中國人。他們告訴我們了,所以我們就写下。一旦收到此資訊,請您立即寫下要堅守還是撤退。中國人說如果那些庫勒人跟著你,你不要接受他們。襲擊將于第三箇 Labyee-gyaw Tobodwai,12361875 年 2 月 23 日進行,三四千人正在向你集結並包圍你,我們認爲撤退是明智的。」

These letters were not willingly shown to Colonel Browne, but being delivered to his Burmese before his eyes, he insisted upon reading them, and took copies of them.


Lastly, the information contained in the cotton agents’ letters was confirmed and amplified a few days later by a Burmese scout who had also accompanied Mr. Margary into Manwyne , and by another Burmese, in the King of Burma’s employ, who was at Manwyne when Mr. Margary was murdered, and when the force destined to surprise Colonel Browne came do wn, as the Burmese in question deposed, from Momein.


Mr. Elias had been stopped at Maing-mo on the inner route, partly by Li Chên-kuo, better known to us as Li Sieh-tai, who, however, appears to have confined himself to fair words; and partly by the chief of a reclaimed tribe, who stoutly declared that, passport or no passport, Mr. Elias should not pas s into China by the road he wanted to take. He had accordingly turned back before he received intelligence of Colonel Browne’s misfortune.


Mr. Elias had with him a Chinese servant, by name Wang, who parted with him at Maing-mo, and returned through Yün Nan to H ankow. He there stated, when he was first examined, that he had been protected by a safe-conduct given him by Li Sieh-tai. This he subsequently denied, affirming that Li had only given him one of his visiting cards, which had been destroyed by t ear and wear.


Wang was sent down to Shanghae and I had him re-examined more than once. He contradicted himself no little, and, under an appearance of great simplicity, he discovered an evident anxiety to avoid all. admissions that might reflect upon the Chinese authorities. This was natural enough; but he let fall one observation of some importance on the other side, to wit, that as he came back along the road to Momei n, search was being made for the servants of Mr. Margary, should any have escaped. When caught they were to be put to death. His uncle, who was one of these, had been killed already. He wished to go in search of his corpse, but was dissuaded.


Meanwhile, most of the particulars of the Manwyne tragedy had found their way into the Indian papers, and it is probable t hat to their reproduction in China is to be attributed the recommendation now made by the Grand Secretary Li Hung-chang, G overnor-General of Chih Li, that a High Commissioner should be sent to Yün Nan. The measure, be it remembered, was that which I had in the first instance proposed, and which had been declared by the Tsu ng-li Yamên impossible.


It was now found practicable, and the Commissioner named was a man so high in office that on the score of position no obje ction could be raised to his nomination. This was Li Han-chang, the eldest brother of the Grand Secretary, Li Hung-chang; less distinguished for ability than his remarkable brother, but as Governor-General of Hu Kuang, filling one of the highes t posts that a Chinese civilian can occupy. The step had been taken without reference to me. I thought none the worse of it for this reason, and having telegraphed to your lordship that it appeared to me an omen of better things, I sent Mr. Grosvenor up to Hankow to wait upon the Governor-Gener al, Li Han-chang. Mr. Grosvenor had been for some time at Shanghae with me, under orders for Yün Nan.


He found the Governor-General civil enough, but, to all appearance disposed to make rather light of the object of his mission. His instructions, he said, related to the murder of Mr. Margary only. He ignored the attack on Colonel Browne’s mission, or the possibility of a second mission being sent by the same route. Mr. Grosvenor exhibited the passports I had obtained from the Yamên. The Governor-General inspected them as curious novelties, and threw doubt upon the genuineness of the Yamen’s seal attache d to them. There was reason to fear that little was to be expected of the High Commission.


I had half hoped that a fresh Indian mission might be immediately sanctioned, and I had thought it possible that Colonel B rowne, who was still at Shanghae, would, in that case, accompany Mr. Grosvenor to Yün Nan. His functions would have been distinct, but he would of course have proved a valuable ally. Various circumstances made this arrangement impracticable, and with my consent Colonel Browne left me for India.


Taking Mr. Grosvenor with me, I returned northwards, and I reached Tien-tsin at the beginning of August; my position, vis-à-vis the Government, now being that the High Commissioner’s reception of Mr. Grosvenor had so shaken my confidence in the intentions of the Chinese Government. as to render doubtful the expediency of dispatching Mr. Grosvenor to Yün Nan at all.

我帶著格羅夫納先生回到了北方,我在 8 月初到達天津。高級專員對格羅夫納先生的接待讓我對中國政府的意圖產生了動搖,以至於令人懷疑將格羅夫納先生派遣到雲南的權宜之计。

At Tien-tsin the Grand Secretary, Li Hung-chang, and the ex-Governor, Ting Jih-chang, since named Governor of Fuh Kien, we re emPowered by Decree to treat with me. They urged me strongly to return to Peking, and to allow Mr. Grosvenor to proceed to Yün Nan. I declined, unless I should receive guarantees that Her Majesty’s Government was not about to be trifled with, and being c alled on to name my guarantees, I fell back pretty nearly upon my original programme of the month of March. The reply to my first report home of the demands then made, having instructed me that Her Majesty’s Government would defer raising the question of indemnity until the result of the inquiry should be known, I made no mention of indemnity; but I demanded, if Mr. Grosvenor was to be sent, –


  1. That a safe passage as far as the frontier, or across it, should be promised for my Secretary (Mr. Grosvenor) and a new Indian mission.
  2. The immediate dispatch of a Chinese Envoy to England with a letter declaring the Emperor’s regret for what had occurred .
  3. The immediate issue of an Imperial Decree, in which T’sên Yü-ying, the Acting-Governor-General of Yün Nan, and Kuei Cho u, should be censured from the Throne for delay in reporting progress.
  4. The publication in the Peking “Gazette” of the Decree last-mentioned, as also of the Decree appointing the mission to E ngland.
  5. That intercourse between the Government and foreign Representatives should be immediately placed upon a better footing.
  6. That the irregular taxation of our general trade should at once be rectified.
  7. That regulation of trade across the Yün Nan frontier should be considered by any officer whom the Government of India m ight appoint as head of a new mission, and a Chinese official.


These propositions being referred to Peking, the Prince of Kung wrote to promise me an escort across the frontier of Yün N an for a new Indian mission. A Decree was obtained naming two civilians Envoys to England; also, a Decree censuring the Acting Governor-General Ts’ên for his dilatoriness. Copies of these were forwarded to me, but their publication in the “Gazette,” though guaranteed by the Grand Secretary Li, was at once declared impossible by the Tsung-li Yamên. The Decree naming the Envoys was subsequently published, but the words representing “British Government” were so placed in the text as to oblige me to object to the discourtesy. I could not get a published Decree corrected, and I could only insist upon it that the Envoys, whom there suddenly appeare d an extraordinary desire to hurry off, must not be for the present sent on their way. With a mission in England, and Mr. Grosvenor in Yün Nan, it was possibly assumed that pressure, moral or material. would be much restricted.


I had made a very great point of the publication of the papers in question. both on the general ground that, if properly framed, these Decrees constitute the most informing affirmations that can be desired of the relations of outer nations with the Chinese Empire, and for the particular reason that, in the Decree of ce nsure at all events, the people of China would see some evidence of the indisposition of the Government to identify itself with the perpetration of the Yün Nan atrocity.


They had as yet had no such evidence. The Decree appointing the High Commission of Inquiry entered into no details. The Tsung-li Yamên, indeed, professed to be almost without any. The Grand Secretary Li Hung-chang had heard at Tien-tsin of the outrage of the 22nd February, early in April. He had referred, in conversation with Mr. Mayers, the Chinese Secretary, to a letter he had received, reporting the attack on Colonel Browne, and he had remarked that it was singular no mention should have been made of the murder of Mr. Margary . Yet, even on the 2nd of June the Yamên could only state that Yang, Acting Commander-in-chief of the Yün Nan army, and Chen , an Intendant of the province, had been sent to Manwyne to prosecute inquiry; and this, although placards referring to the outrage had appeared in Peking, being duplicates of placards posted in a city in Ssǔ Ch’uan; while, in Hu Nan, a magistrate to whom a British missionary had applied in his difficulty, referred the applicant to the f ate of Mr. Margary as a warning.

他們還沒有這樣的證據。任命高級調査委員會的法令沒有詳細說明。實際上,總理衙門自稱幾乎沒有任何東西。李鴻章大臣已經聽過 2 月 22 日及 4 月初的暴行中天津的情況。他在與中國國務卿梅耶斯先生的談話中提到他收到一封信,報導了對柏朗上校的襲擊事件,並且他提到,馬嘉理先生被謀殺一事未被提及是很異常的。然而,即使在 6 月 2 日,衙門也只能說雲南的代理軍隊總司令楊和該省的負責人陈被送到曼允起訴調査。雖然這張引起憤怒的標語在四川的一箇城市被反復粘貼,並且出現在北京。同時,在湖南,一位英國傳教士在困難時所求助的地方法官,卻將傳教士轉交給馬嘉理先生的控制之下,以作爲警告。

These circumstances apart, it was not to me comprehensible that the Central Government should have been left upwards of th ree months without information, more or less definite. In no country in the world do official reports more abound. Events of far less gravity than the Yün Nan affair would instantly have become the subject of voluminous memorials.


My own version of what had occurred on the frontier had been given after my return to Tien-tsin, not only in conversation with the Grand Secretary, but in a note dated 20th August, addressed to the Prince of Kung. I should have preferred to be less explicit until later, but it was urged, plausibly enough, that the Chinese Government k new not of what precise sin its servants were accused.

我回到天津之後,在與大臣的談話中,以及 8 月 20 日給恭親王的一份說明中,交代了我在邊境上所發生的事情。我会更傾向于在此後不那麼明確,但有人強烈要求理由足够充分中國政府不知道其官員被指控的確切罪行。

But to return; as I have stated, the Grand Secretary Li’s engagement regarding the publication of the Decree of censure had been set at n ought by the Yamên; the Minister who declined to give effect to it observing to Mr. Mayers, the Chinese Secretary, whom I had sent before me t o Peking, that it did not follow that what the Grand Secretary might agree to at Tien-tsin would be ratified at Peking. On the 5th, 6th, and 7th of my guarantees, the Grand Secretary had declared himself incompetent to speak. The Tsung-li Yamên having, however, signified a willingness to treat of these, I had closed my discussion with his Excelle ncy Li, and on the 12th September, I returned to Peking.

言歸正傳,正如我所說的那樣,李大臣關於公佈譴責法令的承諾已被衙門公佈的法令所取代。拒絕執行此事的部長看了我之前寄給在北京中國國務卿梅耶斯先生的信之後,並不認爲大臣在天津同意的事情將在北京獲得批准。在我擔保後的第 5 至 7 日,大臣宣稱自己無能力發言。然而,總理衙門表示願意對待這些,當時我已經與李閣下結束了我的討論,並于 9 月 12 日回到了北京

The High Commissioner Li Han-chang, after a delay of two months, had started, on the 18th August, for Yün Nan. Shortly after I was given to understand that Li Sieh-tai had been brought a prisoner to the capital of the province. This was an indication of change worthy of attention. The name of Li Chên-kuo had been put forward by me on receipt of the first telegram from India as that of the one person k nown by name as connected with the attack. Yet he had been sent, after the attack, by the Acting Governor-General Ts’ên Yû-ying to Burma with a copy of the Decree an nouncing the accession of the new Emperor of China, and probably with a copy of the year’s almanac. These are forms observed in the intercourse between China and her tributary neighbours. The officials usually deputed are members of the establishment of the province conterminous with the tributary State; civilians filling the higher provincial offices; men of higher grade than Li Chên-kuo, who had but local military rank. The selection of such a man at such a moment, and the somewhat distinguished reception accorded him in Burma, him in Burma, had naturally seemed to the Indian Government, then on the point of enterin g into negotiations with the Government of Burma, to require special explanation, and it was exacted accordingly.

延遲了兩箇月之後,在我得知李協台被要求向該省首府帶一箇囚犯後不久,高級專員李瀚章于 8 月 18 日開始向雲南進發。這表明變化値得關注。我收到第一封來自印度的電報,就是那箇與襲擊有關的名字的電報,我提出了李珍國的名字。然而,在襲擊事件發生後,他被代理總督岑毓英送往緬甸,並附上中國新皇帝即位法令的副本,並可能帶有年曆的副本。這些是在中國和她的附庸鄰居之間的交往中觀察到的形式。通常被貶謫的官員被派遣到与附屬国接壤的省;填補上級省級政府的專家;比李珍國等級更高的男子,他只有當地的軍銜。在這樣一箇時刻選擇這樣一箇人,以及他在緬甸給他的一些尊敬的接待,就自然而然地看起來,印度政府在與緬甸政府進行談判時,似乎需要特別的解釋,並相應地進行了解釋。

On the side of China, meanwhile there had been, earlier, an attempt to produce an impression that the most either Li Chên- kuo or any other official in Yün Nan could be charged with, was neglect of duty in not preventing the attack upon Colonel Browne; this being attributed to the savage tribes along the common border of Yün Nan and Burma. Later, a disposition was shown to admit that Li Chên-kuo was more directly culpable than any other official, but still gui lty of nothing worthy of death, as he was certainly not responsible for the murder of Mr. Margary. The inexpediency of requiring his life had further been urged upon me, on the ground that he was the one person capable of restraining the wild people through whose country we were about to trade. He was known, as I have said, to have been a staunch adherent of the Imperial Government throughout the Mahometan rebellio n in Yün Nan, and I had attributed to this in no small degree the anxiety manifested to screen him. His arrest proved to be a fact. I have now every reason to believe that he was either decoyed to Yünnan-fu, or captured elsewhere by stratagem.

中國方面,與此同時的早些時候,曾試圖產生一種印象,即李珍國或任何其他在雲南的官員中的大多數人都被指控,因爲他們忽視了防止柏朗上校被襲擊的責任,並且這歸因於雲南緬甸共同邊界上的野蠻部落。後來,一種傾向顯示出承認李珍國比任何其他官員更直接受罪,但仍然無罪,因爲他肯定不對謀殺馬嘉理先生負責。索取他性命的失策之處逐漸在我腦中迴響,因爲他能够控制野蠻人民,並且是我們即將與之交易的國家的人。正如我所說的那樣,他被告知,在整箇雲南Mahometan 叛亂期間,他一直是帝國政府的堅定信徒,而且我在很大程度上將這種焦慮歸咎于隱藏他。他被捕成爲了事實。我現在有充分的理由相信他要麼被雲南府誘騙,要麼被其他策略所左右。

When I returned to Peking on the 12th September, I found that in reality I had effected nothing towards securing improvement in respect of diplomatic or commercial intercourse, and without some security in thi s direction I had, I felt, no guarantees in the sense I required. The late Grand Secretary, Wênsiang, though authorized, on account of ill-health, to absent himself from Court and from all duties requiring his appearance in public, was still the real director of foreign affairs in the Tsung-li Yamên. It was mainly due to the influence of this distinguished official that, in 1860, this Yamên, the Chinese Foreign Office, b ad been founded. From the beginning of the late reign, in 1861, when the Camarilla was overthrown which, under the deceased sovereign, had terribly misgoverned the Empire, and on the accession of his infant son had usurped the supreme authority, Wênsiang, as me mber of the Great Council, the real centre of rule, had made a gallant effort to restore good government to the country. Though by no means of first-rate ability, he was indefatigably industrious and thoroughly clean-handed, and he had risen d eservedly to the second highest post in the civil service. His grand defect was his jealousy of competitors, which grew with the growth of his repute for devotion to the service of the State, and this, in his latter years, made him hopelessly opinionative.

當我 9 月 12 日回到北京的時候,我發現實際上我沒有採取任何措施來改善外交或商業交往,而且在這箇方向上我沒有一點安全感,我覺得,我的要求沒有任何保證。已故的大臣文祥雖然因健康情況不佳而被授權不出席法庭他的職務要求他必須出庭,他仍然是總理衙門眞正的外交事務主管。主要是由於這位傑出官員的影響,1860 年,中國外交衙門成立。從晚期開始,到 1861 年軍機大臣被推翻時,在已故權威的統治之下,帝國非常錯誤地對其進行了譴責,並且在他幼年兒子即位時篡奪了最高權力。文祥,作爲大議會的成員、眞正的統治中心,爲恢復國家良好的統治秩序做出了巨大的努力。雖然能力不是一流,但他有著不知疲倦的勤勞和絕對的廉潔,因此當之無愧地升到了官員隊伍中的第二高職位。他的巨大缺陷是他對競爭對手的嫉妒,隨著他對國家的貢獻的增長,競爭對手也在成長,這在後來的幾年中使他變得無可救藥地固執己見。

In foreign policy he had at one time sl1own fair promise of a progressist disposition; but this had been chilled, indeed extinguished, by various disappointments experienced, some at the hands of his own count rymen, some at the hands of foreigners. His attempt to form a university at Peking, for instance, in 1867, had been actively thwarted by some of his Chinese colle agues. The Commercial Convention negotiated in 1869 had been rejected by us. These were, perhaps, the most remarkable among the checks he had sustained. He missed no opportunity of complaining bitterly of both. The missionary question was also from the first among the most irritating of his grievances. His health was now seriously shaken by long sickness, and he had lost the self-command which had once characterised him. His ambition appeared to be simply that, especially in foreign affairs, he should leave behind him a name as leader of the ultra-conservative, or reactionary, party.

在外交政策方面,他曾一度履行過程主義傾向的公平承諾。但是,經歷了各種各樣的失望之後一些人在他自己的同胞手中,一些人在外國人手中,這已經被冷落,確實被熄滅了。例如,1867 年他在北京建立大學的嘗試一直受到他的一些中國同事的積極挫敗。我們拒絕了 1869 年談判達成的商業公約。這些也許是他所堅持的政策中最顯著的。他錯過了兩箇了連抱怨都不行的機會。傳教問題也是最令他煩惱的。他的健康情況現在因長期疾病而嚴重動搖,他失去了曾描述過的「過程主義傾向的公平承諾」。他的野心似乎很簡單,特別是在外交事務中,他應該留下一箇名字,作爲極端保守派或反動黨的領袖。

It was to the Grand Secretary Wênsiang’s opposition that I am compelled to attribute a large share of the difficulties tha t at this crisis, September, 1875, I found I had to face. His irritability had made him perfectly unreasonable. On one occasion he condescended to suggest that Colonel Browne had been attacked by Mahometan rebels disguised as Chinese troops. Had it not been for the opportune appearance of the Grand Secretary Li Hung-chang, in Peking, upon business concerning him as Governor-General of Chih Li, it is possible I should not have been able to negotiate the arrangements on concession of which I eventually allowed Mr. Grosvenor to proceed on his mission. Failing some such guarantee of improvement, I was resolved rather to dispense with the mission altogether.

我不得不把大部分原因歸結于 1875 年 9 月的這次危機,這受到大臣文祥的反對,我發現我不得不面對。他的煩躁使他完全不理性。有一次他屈服于暗示柏朗上校被僞裝成中國軍隊的 Mahometan 叛亂分子襲擊。如果不是李鴻章大臣在北京的適當出場,關於他擔任李瀚章總督的事情,有可能我不能就授權安排進行協商,這項安排使我最終允許格羅夫納先生繼續他的使命。如果沒有一些這樣的改進保證,我決定完全放棄任務。

Of the progress of the controversy I shall say little. The promised discussion of the fifth, sixth, and seventh of my propositions earlier enumerated, after about a month’s deba te, came to nothing, and I was more than half prepared, as I intimated to the Tsung-li Yamên, to withdraw the Legation. I had, however, abandoned this intention, and had determined instead to send Mr. Grosvenor to England, when I was given to understand that I had been on one point or other misunderstood, and I reopened negotiations. They still halted, however, and I intimated that unless satisfactorily concluded by the 29th September, I should not after that date resume them without putting forward fresh propositions. The day of grace did pass, and but part of my demands had been agreed to. I thereupon withdrew the whole, and pointing out that what I sought was not, as the Yamên evidently supposed, the material advantage of this or that concession, so much as the guarantee of good faith that the removal of standing grievances migh t be held to afford, I now pressed for the publication either of the Decree and Memorial (of the preceding August), in whi ch the dilatoriness of Ts’ên Yü-ying, the Acting Governor-General of Yün Nan and Kuei Chou, had been censured, or of a fresh Decree, ordering that functio nary and the Momein officials to Peking.

在爭議的進展中,我會說的很少。在經過大約一箇月的辯論之後,我所提出的之前承諾的第五、六、七箇命題一無所獲,當我向總理衙門暗示撤回任命時,我已經做了一半以上的準備。然而,我已經放棄了這箇意圖,並決定將格羅夫納先生送到英格蘭。當我被告知我曾經被在某一點或其他方面被誤解時,我重新開始談判。然而,他們仍然停止了,我暗示,除非在 9 月 29 日圓滿結束,否則我不應該在那之後恢復他們而不提出新的主張。寬限的日子過去,我的部分要求已經同意了。我隨即撤回了全部要要求,並指出我所尋求的不是,如衙門顯然認爲的那樣,在物質優勢方面這種或那種的讓步,以及保證持續消除長期不滿的誠意。我現在要求出版該法令和紀念碑去年八月的出版物,雲貴代理總督岑毓英因此受到譴責,或者一項新的法令,命令該職員和猛卯官員到北京

This demand occasioned the most serious perturbation. It may fairly be contended that I should have done well to adhere to it. Had the Government yielded the point, however, I should still have been months, I might have been years, from the achievem ent of my object, which was at the same time less the conviction, always a doubtful matter, of the high officer I believed guilty, than the lesson that would be taught by the publicity of such proceedings on behalf of foreigners as the Governme nt might take. After due deliberation, I consented to substitute for the Decrees I had asked for, one that should recal the attention of the Provincial Governments to the Treaty provisions affecting right of travel under passport.


This was agreed to, and my guarantees then stood as follows: –


  1. A mission was to proceed to England with a letter of apology. This had been, conceded in August, and the Decree naming the Envoys, though not the object of their mission, had been publ ished in the Gazette. As stated above, I had had to object to the form in which the British Government had been mentioned and I now thought it b etter that the Envoys should not go home until Mr. Grosvenor’s inquiry had taken place. They must otherwise have been the bearers of an apology for an offence not proved or admitted, by tender of which a due measure of reparation was to be abated.

1、一箇任務是帶著道歉信進入英格蘭。這已經在 8 月份被接受,並且命名使節的法令雖然不是他們使命的目的,但已在公報上公佈。如上所述,我不得不反對提到英國政府的形式,我現在認爲,在格羅夫納先生進行調査之前,特使不應該返回。否則他們必須是未經證實或承認的罪行的承擔者,因爲賠償會相應減少。

  1. The Chinese Government was to escort a mission, whether going or coming, across the Yün Nan frontier. This bad been conceded in September.

2、中國政府將在雲南邊境執行護送任務,無論是進還是出。這種不利在 9 月份被承認。

  1. There was published in the Gazette of the 28th September a Decree replying to a Memorial from the Tsung-li Yamên upon d iplomatic intercourse. The Memorial itself was published the following day. Both were valuable documents, of which I shall have more to say.

3、9 月 28 日在公報刊登了一項法令,在外交過程中回應了總理衙門的紀念碑。紀念館本身于次日出版。兩者都是有價値的檔,我將有更多的話要說。


經査,該文出自 Correspondence respecting the attack on the Indian Expedition to western China, and the murder of Mr. Margary: presented t o both houses of Parliament by command of Her Majesty, 1876, London: Harrison, [1876]

背景事件是「馬嘉理案」,徐中約中國近代史香港:中文大學出版社,2001 年,第 311 葉這樣記述:

威妥瑪懷疑這樣一條線路能否用於貿易,令他吃驚的是,他發覺中國政府不僅欣然同意了他的請求,而且同意讓 28 歲的英國副領事馬嘉理沿長江上溯迎接探險隊。儘管馬嘉理知道中國緬甸的邊境地區有匪盜出沒,並且對外國人持有敵意,但他不顧中國地方官員的警告,冒險來到邊境地區的八莫,等候由上校柏朗率領的探險隊從緬甸前來。1875 年 2 月 21 日,馬嘉理在那裏遭到伏擊被殺。


翻譯中最需要斟酌的大概是專有名詞。文中的地名,Momein 譯爲猛卯,Manwyne 譯爲曼允,Maing-mo 譯爲蠻暮猛卯雲南西部南畹河和瑞麗江合流處的南畹河三角地區,居民以傣族和景頗族爲主。歷史上屬於中國領土,清末被英屬緬甸佔領。曼允,爲西雙版納州猛海縣猛往鄕曼允村。蠻暮,在八莫東面。

Browne 按國內論文的習貫譯爲柏朗

最容易判斷的是李鴻章 Li Hung-chang。Wênsiang 是文祥清史稿卷 386列傳一百七十三引文如下:


Prince of Kung 直譯爲「恭王」,當爲恭親王奕訢。

T’sên Yü-ying 譯爲岑毓英清史稿卷 419列傳二百六


方英合作中的分歧:馬嘉理案交涉再硏究史學集刊2014 年第 4 期這樣說道:


而「Li Sieh-tai」是最頭疼的一箇。經檢索,Li Sieh-tai 也見於:Samuel Wells Williams: The Middle Kingdom: a survey of the geography, government, literature, social life, arts and history of the Chinese empire and its inhabitant s, Routledge, 2005, pp. 721-722.


Major Sladen’s mission, owing to the admirable qualities of its leader, made so fair an impression upon the natives along his route that upon his return in 1873 his progress was materially assisted, instead of retarded, by them as far as Momein. In the years intervening the Imam at Talí, with about forty thousand of his followers, had been hemmed in by the Chinese forces under the leadership of Li Sieh-tai, or Brigadier Li. The Mohainmedans felt their weakness against such odds, and the so-called Sultan Suleiman sent his son Hassan to London to Mr. Margary intimated that he thought there were intrigues going on at Manwyne adverse to the advance of the mission; but Brigadier Li, who treated him there with great honor, did every thing to prormote his journey to Bhamo.

The arrangements as to routes and escorts were at last completed so far as to allow the party finally to leave Bhamo February 3, 1875; it numbered nearly fifty persons in all, together with a Burmese guard of one hundred and fifty. The rivalries and deceptions of the Kakhyen tribes proved to be worse than in 1868, and progress was slower from the difficulty of providing animals for transport. By the 18th it had crossed the frontier, and the next morning Mr. Margary left, with five Chinese, for Manwyne, to arrange there for its reception by Brigadier Li. Increased dissensions among the tribes as to escort, transport, and pay led Colonel Browne to push on after him with a guard so as to reach that town and find some competent authority to aid his expedition. Many signs of serious opposition had by this time manifested themselves; and when he was preparing to start from Seray on the 23d, large bodies of armed men were seen on the opposite hills coming to attack the British. A Burmese messenger also arrived from Manwyne with letters giving an account of the horrid murder of Mr. Margary and his attendants by the treacherous officials there on the 20th.

也見於 John Anderson: Mandalay to Momien: A Narrative of the Two Expeditions to Western China of 1868 and 1875, Under Colonel Edw ard B. Sladen and Colonel Horace Browne, Macmillan, 1876, p. 38. 此書提及 Li Sieh-tai 次數較多,下僅引較爲集中的一處:

The frontier trade had been materially interrupted, partly by the desolation caused by the internecine warfare, and partly by the depredations of imperial Chinese partisans. Of these, the most dreaded leader was a Burman Chinese, known as Li-sieh-tai, a faithful officer of the old régime, who had established himself on the borders of Yunnan, and waged a guerilla war against the Panthays and their friends. His name is Li, and his so-called small name is Chun-kwo, while from his mother having been a Burmese, he is also known as Li-haon-mien, or Li the Burman. As having been raised to the rank of a Sieh-tai in the Chinese army, he was called Li-sieh-tai or Brigadier Li. (A distinguished continental Chinese scholar has informod me that this title is a civil one, denoting commissioner. In the absence of the Chinese characters, the exact title of this functionary cannot be given.)

該文註腳說道 sieh-tai 是清軍的軍銜。屈春海、倪曉一馬嘉理被殺案件的審理歷史檔案2007 年第 4 期提到「李協台」。